MAGNA CARTA OF 1941
The article welcomes the **Atlantic Charter of 1941**, agreed by Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt, as a major statement of Anglo-American war aims and principles for the post-war world. It emphasises continued American support for Britain, international economic co-operation, improved living and labour standards, disarmament of aggressor nations and opposition to territorial conquest. The article also stresses the Charter's relevance to Japanese expansion in the Far East and presents it as the basis for closer British, American and Russian co-operation against the Axis powers.
Welcome to Anglo-American Aims
**"The Age" Special Representative**
**LONDON, August 15.**
The entire British press hails the British and American statement, which is described as the "1941 Magna Carta" and the "Atlantic Charter of Freedom," as a momentous document which sketches the foundations of a reasonable world order.
Stripped of its verbiage, the statement is interpreted to mean, (1) that America again pledges full support to Britain until victory has been achieved; (2) full American co-operation in working out peace; (3) that peace will be maintained by a strong Britain and America, while all aggressors will be disarmed; and (4) that international trade barriers will be removed.
President Roosevelt is expected to land in New England to-day or on Saturday. It is believed he will immediately reveal further details of the accord, and it is reported he may broadcast to the nation.
It may be said that this idealises a programme before the implementation of which we have got to win the war.
The Anglo-American statement necessarily was written in broad terms. Nobody believes Mr. Churchill went to see President Roosevelt merely to frame a pious declaration. Undoubtedly the statesmen made far-reaching decisions, directly concerned with the task of winning the war, the effect of which time alone will show.
It is assumed that in addition to co-ordinating production, details of which Lord Beaverbrook is remaining in Washington to work out, Mr. Churchill and President Roosevelt, assisted by the respective experts, discussed war strategy. In view of the present phase of the war these talks must specially have been concerned with the safety of sea communications and the effect throughout the Far-East of Japan's aggressive policy. It is assumed the statesmen agreed on what parallel Anglo-American action is possible in these two theatres.
The announcement that Mr. Churchill and President Roosevelt are sending a joint message to M. Stalin disposes of rumors of a cooling off of America's support for Britain after her alliance with Russia. This shows that President Roosevelt realises that Russia is fighting for the same causes as Britain, and should be helped to the utmost. An immediate result of the Atlantic conference will be the co-ordination of British, American and Russian war production, with an allocation of American supplies to the theatres where they are most urgently needed.
The "Daily Mail's" diplomatic correspondent forecasts the early creation of a joint Anglo-American organisation to control production and supply at Washington, with counterparts in London and Moscow. He says the political and propaganda aspects of the Anglo-American statement are extremely important. It is the first specific declaration of the British war aims, and should satisfy members of the House of Commons, who have been demanding such a declaration.
Further, there is nothing in the declaration repelling those who demand a realistic handling of the totalitarians. Article 8 lays down unequivocally that the aggressor nations, must be disarmed, regardless of what shape the future system of general security
Article 5. dealing with the improvement of labor standards and social security, clearly reflects the widespread British public determination that their reward for the second war within their lifetime, accompanied by the horrors of bombings and complete disorganisation of individual lives, shall be a new and more democratic Britain.
The meaning of the post-war world, sketched in Articles 3 and 4, is to show the German and Italian publics that Britain does not contemplate a vindictive peace. It is thought that once the Germans realise this the effect on the morale will be tremendous. German propaganda is daily telling the public that if Germany loses the war they will have no place in the world, and that the Versailles Treaty will be a picnic compared with the peace Britain would impose. There is reason to believe the fear of the consequences of losing the war thus engendered is one of the main supports of the German morale.
## Peace Conditions
**Australian Associated Press**
The "Times," in a leading article, declares:— "The world now knows beyond doubt what we are fighting for and what the enemy is fighting against. No one will call for greater detail at present. The eight clauses deserve, and must receive, a close study. Perhaps their highest service is to make clear that both sides of the Atlantic recognise that a peace settlement must include real incentives to observe it, and real deterrents against breaking it. These are the twin inseparable conditions of any true peace.
"There is not the slightest doubt but the work of Mr. Churchill and President Roosevelt will be warmly endorsed throughout the Empire — wherever the sweet taste of liberty is not forgotten. The value of the declaration is immense, although there is nothing in the terms which have not already figured in the speeches of British and American statesmen. By common assent, it is recognised that the economic foundations of peace are as important as the political, or even more so. The raising of the standard of living will be one of the indispensable guarantees of security and a permanent answer to the more specious elements in the Nazi and Fascist appeal."
Referring to Japan, the "Times" says: — The Japanese are certainly included among the 'others' whose policy of domination by conquest constitutes a danger to world civilisation. In no other part of the world is collaboration between the United States and the British Empire more essential than in the Far East."
Berlin Radio, in its overseas transmission, said the declaration was obviously nothing but a means of helping Britain and America to overcome the embarrassment caused by the present military situation.
German Radio declared: — "Mr. Churchill and Mr. Roosevelt apparently believe they can still act as Europe's guardians, but the declaration is merely fraudulent bluff, whereby they are trying to pull themselves from the mess. They overlook the fact that victory is necessary for their pious wishes."
Stefani Agency (Rome) stated: — "Mr. Churchill and Mr. Roosevelt seemingly accounted for all eventualities but one, whose importance cannot have escaped them, viz., the possibility of an Axis victory."
Vichy News Agency said the declaration was not a sufficient assurance of peace and justice. It simply refurnished the Wilsonian doctrine, which experience had shown to be insufficient.